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The Arab Security Sector: A New Research Agenda for a Neglected Topic

Barak, O., David, A. — Tue, 24 Nov 2009 09:57:44 PST

This article discusses the lack of adequate attention to the Arab Security Sector and its complex political and social roles in the Arab States and presents the contours of a new research agenda for this topic. First, the authors demonstrate the insufficient scholarly attention accorded to the Arab Security Sector in several academic publications in the fields of Middle East Studies and Security Studies in the period 1990–2005. Second, they focus on three major areas where recent theoretical and comparative advances in the study of civil–military relations have not been paralleled in the study of the Arab Security Sector: (1) the role of the Arab Security Sector in the process of state formation; (2) informal connections between actors within the Arab Security Sector and actors operating in the political system; and (3) the role of the Arab Security Sector in reflecting and reinforcing patterns of intersectoral relations in the Arab States.

Contradictory and Complementary Identities of U.S. Army Reservists: A Historical Perspective

Griffith, J. — Thu, 19 Nov 2009 10:33:40 PST

Over the past three decades, evolving threats to U.S. national security have necessitated changes in the missions, structure, and organization of reserve forces. These changes, while intended to redefine the purposes and functions of the U.S. reserve force, at times had unanticipated effects on the individual reservist’s experience of and identity with reserve military service. Emergent identities include the obliged-conscripted citizen soldier, weekend warrior, instrumental volunteer, identity seeker, soldier warrior, and conservative ideologue. The author elaborates on these identities and their association with geopolitical events and corresponding responses in the U.S. national defense strategy and concludes by discussing the implications of more recent identities for adequately staffing and readying the U.S. reserve force.

Exploring Stress and Coping Strategies among National Guard Spouses during Times of Deployment: A Research Note

Wheeler, A. R., Torres Stone, R. A. — Thu, 19 Nov 2009 10:33:40 PST

Studies on active duty military families indicate that deployment disrupts normal functioning of the family. Scholars still, however, lack the necessary knowledge to fully grasp the impact that the current Iraq and Afghanistan wars have had on Army National Guard (ARNG) families who have experienced deployment. A grounded theoretical approach to interviews with ARNG spouses yields insight into how these families are coping with the often-unexpected event of wartime deployment. The authors identify stressors and coping strategies used by these spouses and offer suggestions for future research that will allow scholars to more fully understand the present situation ARNG families are facing.

Informal Civil-Military Relations in Latin America: Why Politicians and Soldiers Choose Unofficial Venues

Pion-Berlin, D. — Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:57:26 PST

This study examines the phenomenon of informal civil–military relations. Informal behaviors are those that normally do not occur within the chain of command, are not mandated by law, and do not conform to official procedures. Politicians and soldiers discover that formal, institutional routines are sometimes too constraining and that they can advance their interests more effectively by amending, circumventing, or violating those routines. The party most aggrieved by the rules of the game initiates an informal solution. Whether the other side goes along depends on how divergent its preferences are with the aggrieved party. Greatly divergent preferences result in unilateral informalities, less divergent but still negotiable positions yield bilateral-conflictive encounters, and convergent preferences result in cooperative ventures. Case studies on Chile, Argentina, and Bolivia exemplify three different kinds of informal encounters and their impacts on civilian policy choices and military interests.

Conscription and Democracy: The Mythology of Civil-Military Relations

Pfaffenzeller, S. — Fri, 13 Nov 2009 13:38:16 PST

The assumption of a mutually conditional relationship between democracy and conscription is a persistent aspect of the debate on civil–military relations. This article discusses the relationship between conscription and democracy, in a general sense and with reference to the German case. Following a review of conventional motives for conscription, it proceeds to discuss the relationship between conscription and democracy in terms of empirical coincidence and as a means of subjective military control. Continued assertion of an innate democracy–conscription nexus is found to be at variance with the evidence while retaining some influence over the ongoing debate on conscription. The conflation of democratic citizenship with conscription is linked to tensions with individual liberty and equality before the law.

Marriage and the Military: Evidence That Those Who Serve Marry Earlier and Divorce Earlier

Hogan, P. F., Seifert, R. F. — Fri, 06 Nov 2009 10:43:00 PST

Under the compensation system of the U.S. Armed Forces, members who are married or have dependents receive higher rates of pay and greater benefits than those who are single with no dependents. This article examines the hypothesis that these compensation policies induce earlier marriage by active-duty military members compared to otherwise similar civilians who have not served on active duty. Using a logistic regression model on American Community Survey data, the authors estimate the effect of active-duty military service on the probability of being married for twenty-three- to twenty-five-year-olds. Controlling for other factors affecting marriage rates, the authors find that the odds of being married were about three times greater for those with military service compared to similar civilians who have not served. For persons ever married, the probability of divorce is significantly greater for those who have served two or more years on active duty.

Attitudes of Iraq and Afghanistan War Veterans toward Gay and Lesbian Service Members

Moradi, B., Miller, L. — Thu, 29 Oct 2009 10:45:47 PDT

U.S. policy banning openly gay and lesbian personnel from serving in its military rests on the belief that heterosexual discomfort with lesbian and gay service members in an integrated environment would degrade unit cohesion and readiness. To inform this policy, data from a 2006 survey of Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans are analyzed in this study. Views of these war veterans are consistent with prior surveys of military personnel showing declining support for the policy: from about 75 percent in 1993 to 40 percent in this survey. Among the demographic and military experience variables analyzed, comfort level with lesbian and gay people was the strongest correlate of attitudes toward the ban. War veterans indicated that the strongest argument against the ban is that sexual orientation is unrelated to job performance and that the strongest argument in favor of the ban is a projected negative impact on unit cohesion. However, analyses of these war veterans’ ratings of unit cohesion and readiness revealed that knowing a gay or lesbian unit member is not uniquely associated with cohesion or readiness; instead, the quality of leaders, the quality of equipment, and the quality of training are the critical factors associated with unit cohesion and readiness.

The Development of an Exclusive Veterans' Policy: The Case of Russia

Danilova, N. — Thu, 29 Oct 2009 10:45:47 PDT

Despite its social and political importance, veterans’ policy is an overlooked subject in the field of civil–military relations. This article aims to discuss the theoretical problems of studying veterans’ policy. It also proposes analysis of veterans’ policy in Russia. The aim of the theoretical review is to underline the limits of traditional ways of viewing veterans’ policy, which consider veterans’ policy as a consequence of the development of military institutions. The article stresses the importance of taking into account the effect of societal factors in explaining veterans’ policy. An examination of the Russian case demonstrates the historical development of an exclusive veterans’ policy, including the construction of the privileged position for veterans of the World War II. It also analyses the changes of veterans’ policy after the Soviet Afghan War of 1979–89. Finally, the article highlights the principles of contemporary veterans’ policy in Russia and explains why it cannot be changed without reconfiguration of civil–military relationships.

Na krilima patriotisma - On the Wings of Patriotism: Delegated and Spin-Off Violence in Serbia

Schlichte, K. — Thu, 29 Oct 2009 10:45:48 PDT

This article addresses the causes and dynamics of spin-off violence by paramilitary groups that developed in Serbia in the early 1990s. It shows that some forms of violence that challenge the state’s monopoly come into being due to decisions of state agencies. But delegated violence easily develops a life of its own, and therefore the decisions of state leaders are not the only variable, perhaps not even an important one, needed to explain the dynamics of violence once the turmoil of war has started. In retrospect, it seems as if warfare was just an episode in the political life of militias or the political groupings behind them. Violence was just one means among others in the fight for political chances. Therefore, the emergence and the life of these groups have to be explained as attempts of single political entrepreneurs to achieve the accumulation of power through the exertion of violence.

Laying Down Their Rifles: The Changing Influences on the Retention of Volunteer British Army Reservists Returning from Iraq, 2003-2006

Tue, 20 Oct 2009 10:35:20 PDT

U.K. Reserve Forces, principally the Territorial Army (TA), have been increasingly used since the end of the cold war, but there have been some concerns about their mental health problems and also possible unwillingness to remain in service. This article reports on the retention issues of 191 TA personnel who deployed to Iraq from 2003 to 2006. Qualitative data were thematically analyzed from three complementary studies. The authors found that, in 2003, negative aspects of Army organizational culture were reported as the prime reasons for TA personnel wishing to leave the military. In particular, Reservists reported their being unaccepted and underutilized. In contrast, by 2006, TA personnel were generally reporting being satisfied with their work as a Reservist and felt integrated with Regular colleagues. Those who stated they wanted to leave the military now reported it was primarily because of poor military family welfare support. These results suggest that although the British Army appears to have successfully managed the changing role and integration of the TA on operations, family welfare needs further consideration as an important influence on retention. Since the end of data collection for this study, new measures focusing on welfare have been introduced. Future work will assess the impact of these changes.

Changing Minority Representation in the U.S. Military

Armor, D. J., Gilroy, C. L. — Tue, 20 Oct 2009 10:35:20 PDT

The Department of Defense has always sought a socially representative enlisted force, especially with respect to African American and Hispanic minorities. Ideally, in a democratic society a military force should be representative of the nation it defends. African American overrepresentation was a major concern during the first decade of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF), while Hispanics were underrepresented. During the 1980s black representation stabilized and Hispanics began to increase, especially with respect to enlistments. Starting in the 1990s, black representation began to decline, followed more recently by declines among Hispanics. This article examines changes in minority representation since the inception of the AVF in 1973 and argues that the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have played a significant role in recent changes.

Assessing State and Societal Functions of the Military and the War Experience in Doi Moi Vietnam

Raffin, A. — Tue, 20 Oct 2009 10:35:20 PDT

Studies on the military in Vietnam today see a concurrence between the changing role of the army—its growing economic role as well as its role as a tool to control the Vietnamese population—and the changing economy and international environment. How do we make sense of this evolution and its impact on civil–military relations in terms of power relations and authority? This study seeks to provide an analytical framework that shows how the military is not a homogeneous entity but rather is made up of various groups that derive uneven benefits from the post–cold war situation. The author’s contribution is primarily at the conceptual level, stressing the dynamics of power relations among the military, society, and state from a Weberian perspective. Doi moi, as an era of economic and social change, has redefined power relations. The author also emphasizes the generational and historical elements in civil–military relations that are specific to Vietnam.

A New Angle on the U.S. Military's Emphasis on Developing Cross-Cultural Competence: Connecting In-Ranks' Cultural Diversity to Cross-Cultural Competence

Hajjar, R. M. — Tue, 20 Oct 2009 10:35:20 PDT

This article forwards a novel approach regarding the U.S. military’s growing focus on building cross-cultural competence. This piece argues that a link exists between the armed forces’ internal cultural diversity issues and the military’s objective to heighten its ability to work effectively in foreign cultures. Cross-cultural competence means the knowledge, attitudes, and behavioral repertoire and skill sets that military members require to accomplish all given tasks and missions involving cultural diversity. Despite the military’s noteworthy historic progress in the area of building a diverse and cohesive force, it possesses some ongoing cultural diversity problems. The article examines three concerns within the ranks of the U.S. military: signs of religious intolerance, some ongoing resistance toward women service members, and antihomosexual attitudes and conduct. This piece explores these concerns and also argues that ameliorating these cultural diversity issues will contribute to building cross-cultural competence in the military.

Citizen Support for Military Expenditures: A Longitudinal Analysis of U.S. Public Opinion, 1999-2002

Simon, C. A., Lovrich, N. P. — Tue, 20 Oct 2009 10:35:19 PDT

Previous research on public opinion regarding military expenditures in the United States was conducted predominantly in the cold war context. This analysis of public opinion in thirty major U.S. cities over the period 1999 through 2002 revisits this earlier literature in light of changing sociopolitical conditions during a period bracketing the onset of the war on terrorism. The study offers support for much of the earlier research with respect to sources of support for robust military expenditures, in the process illustrating the value of archival data in replicating key research findings in extant literature conducted in a cold war context. The results of the multivariate analysis offer important insights into the sources of public support for military expenditure in the post-9/11 setting.

Soldiers as Police Officers/Police Officers as Soldiers: Role Evolution and Revolution in the United States

Campbell, D. J., Campbell, K. M. — Thu, 24 Sep 2009 14:02:31 PDT

The military and police professions share a number of common facets, but in spite of surface similarities, the two professions are significantly different. Consequently, the evidence indicating a convergence of primary aspects of the two roles presages an important societal development, with substantial implications on several levels. Thus, this article has several objectives. First, it reviews the evidence indicating role convergence, that is, evidence that significant segments of police operations in the United States have taken on military characteristics; and evidence indicating that many U.S. military initiatives have taken on policing characteristics. Next, using the notion of internal and external role-change "drivers," it examines how such role shifts occur and considers some political and legal implications of the shift. Third, the article compares the role orientations and job demands of both professions, identifying the important differences inherent in the two roles and presenting an analysis of the occupational implications of role convergence for job holders, job evaluators, and job "clients" (i.e., ordinary citizens). The last section considers the implications of role convergence for role management.

Major Armed Conflicts, Militarization, and Life Chances: A Pooled Time-Series Analysis

Carlton-Ford, S. — Thu, 24 Sep 2009 14:02:31 PDT

Armed conflict typically worsens civilian life chances. The effects of social militarization (maintenance of armed forces) and economic militarization (military expenditures) on civilian life chances are disputed, and the joint effect of armed conflict and militarization on civilian life chances has not previously been examined. This study examines the joint effects of three types of major armed conflicts and two types of militarization on civilian life chances, using a fixed-effects negative binomial cross-national panel analysis (1985-1998) of data from 175 countries with populations larger than two hundred thousand. General economic development, political regime, and country-specific effects are controlled. Armed conflict and militarization interact in affecting civilian life chances. Armed conflict results in higher levels of civilian mortality; militarization interacts with armed conflict, producing the best civilian life chances at either medium-low or medium-high levels of militarization.

Rainbow, Snow, and the Poplar's Song: The "Annihilative Naming" of Israeli Military Practices

Gavriely-Nuri, D. — Tue, 11 Aug 2009 09:11:54 PDT

This article explores the phenomenon of military naming, that is, the act of giving a name to military practices such as military operations, weaponry, and military units. The basic theoretical supposition is that military naming is a simple and useful mechanism that might be employed to blur undesired aspects—such as the human and economical costs—associated with the respective practices. Inspired by John B. Thompson’s "strategies of operation of ideology," the research uses the construct of "strategies of annihilative naming" to analyze a corpus of 239 Israeli names of military operations and weaponry. By using names coming from nature and the Bible, the Israeli military uses three strategies—naturalization, euphemization, and legitimation—that mediate Israeli public opinion toward controversial military operations as well as weaponry development. Future research of other military names will support the construction of generalizations about this important phenomenon.

The U.S. Army, the Civilian Conservation Corps and Leadership for World War II 1933-1942

Heller, C. E. — Tue, 11 Aug 2009 09:11:54 PDT

Prior to World War II, the U.S. Army numbered 187,000 soldiers. Its growth to more than 8 million was a significant accomplishment. Little known to most, the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration’s youth program, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), provided the pretrained manpower to fill the U.S. Army’s ranks upon mobilization with men who readily assumed the role of Non–Commissioned Officers (NCOs). It also gave Organized Reserve Corps officers the opportunity to occupy leadership positions, an experience that would have been unavailable otherwise. By the same token, it allowed the Regular Army to assess the leadership potential of both Regular and Reserve Officers in leading future citizen soldiers. Last, it provided the Army with an opportunity to exercise its mobilization plans.

Military Intelligence as the National Intelligence Estimator: The Case of Israel

Bar-Joseph, U. — Fri, 29 May 2009 15:26:35 PDT

Although Israel constitutes an interesting case for the study of civil–military relations, the role played by its Directory of Military Intelligence (AMAN) has rarely been discussed in this context. This role is of special interest, since Israel is the only liberal democracy today in which a military intelligence service functions as the leading national estimator not only in military but also in civilian affairs. The unique Israeli model is usually justified by Israel’s security concerns—primarily the threat of a sudden conventional attack. To test this model’s validity, this article (1) traces and elucidates its historical development; (2) employs five crucial mini case studies to test its practical success or failure; and (3) explains how, in light of the fact that AMAN failed in four of the five cases, its military characteristics create inherent weaknesses that hamper its ability to serve as a high-quality national intelligence estimator.

Stressful Experiences, Coping Strategies, and Predictors of Health-related Outcomes among Wives of Deployed Military Servicemen

Dimiceli, E. E., Steinhardt, M. A., Smith, S. E. — Thu, 30 Apr 2009 16:38:19 PDT

A survey of military wives (N = 77) identifies their most stressful experiences, self-appraised control over these stressors, and coping strategies used. The authors examine two competing hypotheses: the goodness-of-fit hypothesis that the effects of problem-focused coping (PFC) and emotion-focused coping (EFC) strategies on distress are moderated by the appraised controllability of the stressor, and the main-effects hypothesis that PFC strategies are more effective than EFC strategies in reducing distress regardless of appraisal of controllability. Wives identified deployment of soldiers as their most stressful experience, and reported using PFC strategies more frequently than EFC strategies. EFC strategies were predictive of greater physical symptoms of illness, while PFC strategies were related to reduced physical symptoms of illness only when military wives’ perceived control of the situation was low. PFC strategies and controllability were significantly related to decreased depressive symptoms; EFC was marginally related to increased depressive symptoms, lending greater support to the main-effects hypothesis.

Western Soldiers and the Protection of Local Civilians in UN Peacekeeping Operations: Is a Nationalist Orientation in the Armed Forces Hindering Our Preparedness to Fight?

Blocq, D. — Mon, 30 Mar 2009 15:16:51 PDT

Mandates for UN peacekeeping operations in Africa have become more robust since the delivery of the Brahimi Report in 2000. Contrary to before, soldiers are now unmistakably expected to use force to protect local civilians in a number of UN peacekeeping missions in Africa. While this expectation of force may be celebrated, the question rises whether peacekeeping soldiers can meet the expectation. Are they ready to kill and risk their lives to protect local civilians? This question is especially pertinent to Western armed forces, which have contributed little to post-millennium UN peace operations in Africa but are explicitly called upon by the UN administration to contribute to the robust peacekeeping missions. This article discusses the question of moral and psychological preparedness in light of the possible tension between the nationalist orientation in Western armed forces and the cosmopolitan demands of UN peacekeeping operations in Africa.

Barany, Z. (2007). Democratic Breakdown and the Decline of the Russian Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press

Stevens, C. A. — Thu, 28 Aug 2008 14:44:08 PDT

On the Clausewitz of the Cold War: Reconsidering the Primacy of Policy in On War

Echevarria, A. J. — Wed, 04 Apr 2007 09:06:36 PDT

Throughout the Cold War, scholars gave considerable privilege to Clausewitz’s observation that war is the "mere continuation of political activity (Politik) by other means." It is often referred to in intellectual shorthand as the primacy of policy. This article questions the extent to which emphasis on the primacy of policy has been overstressed, influenced perhaps by the strategic context of the Cold War. Clausewitz’s trinitarian concept of war--hostility, chance, political purpose--which appears in what scholars generally agree is On War’s only finished chapter, does not portray policy as more dominant than the other tendencies; instead, it presents them as equals, stressing only each one’s uniqueness in relation to the others. Reinterpreting policy as equal to the other two aspects of the trinity tends to strengthen the relevance of Clausewitz’s overall theory to contemporary wars.